TeeIsland Make Britain Great Again Funny Embroidered Cap

Product Information

Reform our Institutions: Major change is needed to the bodies that impact our lives — the unelected cronyism of the House of Lords, the unaccountable civil service and the bloated BBC. Reform is essential to our voting system so it is fairer and more representative; the two-party system embeds the status quo and prevents real change. As suggested by his rather combative speech, we have to be ready for a situation where he gives priority to the planning for 'no deal', partly to heap pressure on the unity of the EU27," Barnier said in a note sent to EU member states. It is the most contentious part of the deal for British lawmakers, who fear it could ultimately slice Northern Ireland off from the rest of the United Kingdom.

As a nation we have so much potential, so much that we should be optimistic about. We can make Britain great again. To do this, reform is essential in the way our country is run and managed, so it works properly for the people. In many areas, just the application of basic common sense would be a good start!Lilla’s critics have accused him of urging a return to the bad old Mad Men days when western democracies were dominated by white middle-class males, and racism, sexism and general intolerance were the rule of the day, such evils being the necessary price of national unity, in the US at least. However, as anyone will realise who read the piece carefully, this is not what Lilla thinks, and is not what he was recommending. At its simplest level, the article merely observed that to emphasise and celebrate diversity to a level that damages social cohesion is not only foolhardy, but dangerous, and would end in disaster for liberalism – the disaster philosopher Richard Rorty predicted a decade ago, and which has now come to pass.

In the winter of 1950, a young parliamentary candidate by the name of Margaret H. Roberts made a big promise to her would-be voters. Her country, the 24-year old political newcomer complained, had become weak: its economy was in tatters, its government too hesitant to exercise its might abroad. After years of decline and incompetence under a Labor government, it was “ time to make Great Britain great again.” Among the many populist strands, the one that will receive more than its usual share of attention in the next few months stands in a direct line of descent from Thatcher. Increasingly hostile to the European Union over the course of her career, she infamously concluded upon leaving office that, “they’re a weak lot, some of them in Europe, you know. Weak, feeble.” In a referendum on EU membership in June, her countrymen now have the option of severing ties with that weak lot. To judge by early opinion polls, many of them are tempted. But, for all of their differences, it is no mere historical oddity that they wound up with much the same slogan. In fact, it rather neatly encapsulates a crucial trait that unites many right-wing politicians who are otherwise dissimilar: They not only share the nationalist belief that their country is marked for greatness—but also the visceral fear that it is under threat both from internal traitors and external enemies. Change the plan you will roll onto at any time during your trial by visiting the “Settings & Account” section. What happens at the end of my trial? While repeatedly refusing to countenance rewriting the Withdrawal Agreement, the EU has said it could change the non-binding "Political Declaration" on future ties that is part of the divorce deal.The most obvious culprit often lies outside the country. So it is only logical that Trump blames America’s economic problems on China and other countries. Nor should it be surprising that he preys on people’s fears by claiming that the United States is being overrun by dangerous rapists (Mexicans) and terrorists (Muslims). European populists see their enemies elsewhere, and tend to express their bile in a rather more circumspect manner. But their rhetoric has the same underlying logic. Like Trump, Le Pen and Farage believe that it must be the fault of outsiders—of Muslim moochers, Polish plumbers, or Brussels bureaucrats—if ordinary people feel that their incomes are stagnating and their identity is threatened. His bet is that the threat of the economic disruption that a "no-deal" Brexit would cause will convince the EU's biggest powers - Germany and France - to agree to revise the divorce deal that May agreed last November but failed to get ratified. In keeping with the fashion of the times, the future Mrs. Thatcher wore a hat through much of her failed first campaign—though she does not seem to have had the wherewithal to emblazon it with her catchy slogan. That particular piece of showmanship was left to another unlikely political upstart, whose infamous slogan is eerily similar, and who also believes that an incompetent government is to blame for leaving his country weak, economically stagnant, and overly hesitant to use its might: Donald J. Trump. However, the publication of the book itself has been overshadowed by the controversy provoked by an article Lilla wrote in the New York Times last month, following Donald’s Trump’s election, which argued that in recent years “American liberalism has slipped into a kind of moral panic about racial, gender and sexual identity that has distorted liberalism’s message and prevented it from becoming a unifying force capable of governing”. This seemed a reasonable observation, especially to those of us who were in the US in the months before and after the election and witnessed, and felt, the levels of rage and resentment among many millions of voters – Hillary Clinton’s “deplorables” – who felt themselves excluded by the liberal, well-heeled and, it should be emphasised, multiracial middle class, and plumped for Trump whether they liked him or not. There is only one problem with talking up the role of outside enemies: If they should seem too powerful, the promise of easy deliverance would begin to ring hollow. To preserve the idea that it would be easy for somebody with the right intentions to make all the difference, populists thus need to supplement their fear-mongering about external enemies with wrath at internal traitors who have supposedly enabled them. This, of course, is the political establishment. People in the capital, populists of all stripes argue, are either in it for themselves, or they are in cahoots with the nation’s enemies. Establishment politicians have a misguided fetish for diversity. Or they have naively bought into the European ideal. Or—simplest explanation of all—they are secretly Muslim.